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By Arianna R. Marucci

Justice is an ideal we commonly seek as individuals and as members of societies. Though so many of us chase it, I don’t think we can all agree on what justice looks like. Some of us spend the majority of our lives trying to uphold it, some fight to the death in its name, and others could care less about it.

In the human rights arena where we are constantly pulled towards justice, it seems we often fall short of achieving it. We will never run out of arguments and opinions against us in our fight for human rights, but that doesn’t mean we should give up or stop our pursuit of justice for all. Even though we may not agree on a definition of justice, do we know what it looks like when we see it?

Justice Served?

Kathryn Bolkovac, author of The Whistleblower: Sex Trafficking, Military Contractors, and One Woman’s Fight For Justice, has a bittersweet view of justice. In her case, it was not easily won and there were casualties along the way. As a human rights security officer, she was able to help people in Bosnia and Herzegovina as they tried to adjust to life after war. There were also those that, despite the best efforts made, could not be rescued from sex trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation.

In 1999, Bolkovac started working for DynCorp International, a private security company. She was assigned to be a human rights investigator in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through her work she discovered a human trafficking ring involving fellow security officers and United Nations officials. She decided to send an email to her superiors and relevant employees within her company. Her goal was to alert them to the fact that the very officers who were supposed to be protecting people were committing crimes themselves, including the buying and selling of women.

When she blew the whistle on this illegal activity, she was fired by her security company. The Head of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Madeleine Rees, helped Bolkovac sue DynCorp for wrongful termination, a case which she won. Her legal victory was one of the first of its kind and helped set a precedent for similar cases in the future. It is imperative that whistleblowers receive protection. The private security sector is filled with powerful, multi-billion dollar companies like DynCorp. Many of them fulfill government contracts funded by taxpayer dollars, which should raise concerns regarding transparency and the accountability of security officers.

Lessons Learned

Bolkovac’s experience in the field catches the interest of people of all ages, races, and creeds who are able to learn from her situation, even if they’ve never given serious consideration to human rights. There are a number of lessons to take from her story, including why you should never  give up. Bolkovac could have stepped away from Dyncorp by simply accepting her termination. Instead, she chose to fight for what was right in a two-year legal battle.

A specific lesson I took from The Whistleblower was that success can take on a variety of forms. Sometimes, you set out to accomplish one thing and wind up on a completely different path. There is so much more to your work than just showing up and simply following your superior’s orders. Yes, you need to try to do your job everyday, but that’s not enough – you need to try to do it well, and to stand up for what’s right, even if no one else is standing up with you. Even if it means losing your job.

Kathryn Bolkovac’s search for justice is a story that builds connections between people from all walks of life. I am fortunate to have witnessed these connections first hand as an educator. If you’re looking for a way to discuss justice, or human rights in general, her example is one that won’t let you down.

Find Kathryn Bolkovac’s book at your local library or watch the film (also called The Whistleblower ) and let us know what you think in our comments section below. I guarantee you’ll find something of value through reading the book and watching the film. You might even learn a thing or two about yourself in the process. I know I did, and I am forever grateful for her story and her work.

 

Edited by Erin Cooper, Director of Communications

Photo Credit: Arianna R. Marucci

Do you have any book suggestions you think we should be reading? If so, let us know in the comments below! We would love to know what you’re reading or doing to address human trafficking. You might see a review of your book suggestion in the future!


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

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By Haven Campbell

Organ trafficking is a particularly insidious form of human trafficking that has been largely absent from the activities of anti-trafficking groups and initiatives. Although data on illicit large-scale activities is difficult to ascertain, it is estimated that trafficked organs comprise between 5 and 10 percent of kidney transplants annually. Despite the immense scale of organ trafficking, it is a topic shrouded in mystery and befuddled by sensationalist media depictions and macabre folklore.

Global Demand

The global demand for organs far exceeds the global supply. Despite the transplantation of almost 107,000 organs annually, this satiates merely 10 percent of global demand. Trafficking in organs, tissues, and cells, as well as trafficking people in order to remove and sell their organs, have become an organized criminal enterprise that seeks to fill this gap in organ supply. Adults in nations across the Global South, economically constrained by poverty, lack of job opportunities, and environmental degradation, are persuaded to sell their kidney or part of their liver. Often, organ traffickers and brokers make enormous profits but give the organ donor little or no compensation. In other cases, people will awaken from a surgery to find that their kidney had been removed as well without their consent.

Patterns of organ trafficking follow colonial patterns of wealth distribution and reinforce the existing inequalities between the Global North and South. Wealthy patients from nations across Europe and North America, in addition to other capitalist enclaves, travel abroad to purchase organs from impoverished donors, many from India and China.

The case of organ trafficking in China is uniquely problematic due to their extensive usage of executed prisoners for organs. Shockingly, in 2006, the Chinese government publicly acknowledged the issue of organ trafficking in its nation, as the Deputy Minister of Health, Huang Jie-Fu confessed that 95 percent of organs used for transplantation in China were harvested from executed prisoners. What is worse is that the Chinese government has admitted to controlling and profiting off of this organ trafficking system.

International Response

In response to international condemnation, in May of 2007, the State Council of the Chinese national government explicitly banned the sale of organs, but this ban failed to extend to other commercialized body parts, such as corneas, bone marrow, or transplantable tissues. Henceforth, organs were to only be donated by adults above age 18 to those within their family, and transplant tourism was criminalized. Physicians and hospitals who were found to be complicit within organ trafficking networks faced austere repercussions, and only a few hospitals retained authorization to conduct transplants, resulting in a drastic reduction in the number of liver transplants performed in China.

Although the amount of deceased organ donors (from prisoners) decreased following this law, organ traffickers and middlemen simply falsified paperwork indicating that the person selling their organ was a relative of the organ recipient, which markedly increased the percentage of living transplant donors. Despite the creation of a virtual registry for organ donors and recipients, legislative steps, and public opprobrium, the harvesting of prisoner’s organs is still pervasive, profitable, and shrouded in relative secrecy.

Conclusion

Considering the cultural importance ascribed to reputation and social harmony in China, its besmirched reputation in regards to human rights may help ignite positive reforms, as a nation’s reputation can certainly influence its international trade and political relations. According to human rights activists, scholars, journalists, and Chinese dissidents, those most likely to face capital punishment and organ harvesting are those with minimal political or social influence and no economic leverage to bribe their way to safety. Moreover, tens of thousands of practitioners of Falun Gong, a spiritual movement established in 1992, have been targeted for censure, arrest, execution, and organ harvesting by the Chinese government, who denounces Falun Gong as an evil religion against the government.

Although the illicit, dispersed, global nature of organ trafficking makes it difficult to address, it is not a hopeless cause and steps can be taken to potentially curtain this insidious human rights violation. Educational programs should be instituted that encourage deceased organ donation. Doctors and other hospital staff must be educated about signs of an illicitly-harvested organ so that they can refuse to participate in this practice. A combination of political, medical, media, and public advocacy, in combination with educational and accountability programs to reduce the need for living organ donors and monitor transplants, could collectively reduce the harm incurred by organ trafficking.

 

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Research and Projects

Photo Credit: flickr


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

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By Zorana Knezevic, Research Project Assistant

The Kafala labor-sponsorship system in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman) has been notorious for facilitating the exploitation and abuse of migrant labor workers that come to the GCC countries, especially that of migrant construction workers and migrant domestic workers. Accounts of withholding pay, debt bondage, physical and psychological abuse, and squalid living conditions, have been the norm rather than the exception. This is largely because the Kafala system places the power of the migrant worker’s work visa and residence permit into the hands of the migrant worker’s employer, a citizen themselves who takes the role of a sponsor or kafil (also spelled kafeel).

Asymmetrical Power Relation

The Kafala system creates an asymmetrical power relation, as the Kafil has control over the work visa or residence permit. For example, if the Kafil neglects to renew the work visa on time, the migrant worker can be at risk for arrest or deportation. Even worse, the Kafil may demand the migrant worker repay him for the permits and migration process, charging the migrant worker exorbitant fees for that, leading to debt bondage. The Kafil may abuse the migrant worker and withhold pay, threatening them with revocation of the permits and therefore, arrest or deportation. The Kafala system makes the migrant worker’s legal status dependent on the Kafil, allowing them a wide scope of discretionary power and potential for abuse. The Kafala system that enables this exploitation of migrant workers must be reformed, accompanied by greater law enforcement to identify and prevent exploitation.

Barriers to Seeking Help

Factors that make it difficult for the migrant worker to seek help are often a lack of fluency in Arabic, a lack of access to information, and preferential treatment of Gulf citizens in the Gulf countries. Contracts the migrant workers receive at recruitment agencies in their home countries are often not the same as the contracts they receive in destination countries upon arrival. Due to a lack of fluency in Arabic, they often cannot read the contracts and understand the terms. Many of the migrant construction workers and migrant domestic workers come from impoverished backgrounds with a lack of education, also posing a barrier to accessing information and understanding the contract terms.

There are some labor laws to protect workers across the Gulf states, but they are not well reinforced and kafils can sometimes influence laws. For example, in 2009 the Bahraini government passed a law to allow workers to change their employer/kafil without the kafil’s consent after a notice period set in the contract; but then in 2011, kafil resistance resulted in a required extension of the time period to at least a full year before the workers can change employers freely. When attempting to go to the police or authorities in the Gulf states to report what has been happening to them, the Gulf states’ authorities often ignore or dismiss the migrant worker’s claims and automatically believe the employer-sponsor because they are a citizen. The migrant worker’s lack of Arabic and isolation can also prevent them from being able to report abuse or receive help. For these reasons, greater access to information, improved enforcement of laws in the Gulf states, and reform of the Kafala system, are crucial.

The Plight of Migrant Domestic Workers

Migrant domestic workers are especially a vulnerable group because they usually do not have a contract and can be extremely isolated in the Kafil’s home. For example, they may sleep on the floor or in the hallways, and often they are not allowed to contact family and friends from back home. This isolation hinders access to information, which emphasizes the need for pre-departure trainings in the host countries to instruct domestic workers on how to identify an exploitative labor situation and how to find help if they find themselves in it. A disturbing aspect is how migrant workers are treated as commodities. Migrant domestic workers are often sought through ads that read “Looking for an obedient, elegant maid from the Philippines!” or “offering servants from Asian nationalities for best prices!”. This demonstrates an extreme dehumanization of migrant domestic workers, offering them as commodities that come in a variety of nationalities and attributes to be bought and traded.

Sometimes workers do manage to run-away. In fact, sometimes they even become freelance workers and can rent their own apartment, regaining control over their finances and mobility. Most commonly, they work as freelance domestic workers. However, once they runaway or begin freelancing, they lose their legal status and are at risk of arrest or deportation if discovered. Migrant workers are also especially subject to police checks in public, leading to opportunities for discovery at almost any time. Due to the Kafala system in the Gulf, law enforcement disproportionately enforce deportation laws over migrant protection laws, demonstrating a need for reform and improvements to law enforcement.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the Kafala labor-sponsorship system is an oppressive system found in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, in which the Kafil (an employer-sponsor) has control over the migrant workers’ work visa, residence permit, and contract. Some progressive labor laws have come in place recently, such as outlawing the confiscation of passports and a legally mandated 3-month probationary period, in most of the GCC countries, in which the migrant worker or Kafil can terminate the contract agreement if they are not satisfied within the first three months. However, passport confiscations still often occur, and most migrant workers are not aware of the 3-month probation law. Consequently, there needs to be improved law enforcement, greater access to information for the migrant workers, and ultimately, overall reform of the Kafala system in the Gulf states.

 

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Research and Projects

Photo Credit: flickr


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

Note: There is a print link embedded within this post, please visit this post to print it.


This post was originally published on this site

 

By Iva Jovović, Guest Blogger*

In Croatia, the criminalization of sex work creates an unjust and gendered relationship between those engaging in the industry and the state. Sex workers, who are primarily female, face prosecution that often includes fines and jail time. In contrast, their customers rarely encounter consequences, unless they engage in sex with minors or victims of sexual exploitation. Living in a strict, conservative, and predominantly Catholic society, makes issues such as sex work and related terms a taboo subject within public and private conversations. The industry itself remains largely underground; women hide in the dark and buyers in cars. To most, sex workers are simply invisible. Due to this hostile environment, little research has previously been conducted on the sex industry in Zagreb—until now. Our organization, FLIGHT, implemented the first research project on sex workers and their clients, asking them why they got engaged with sex work, why they buy sex services, and their personal opinion on legislation. We also asked should sex work be legalized and should buyers be criminalized. Interviews were conducted from the end of March through May 2018, in public spaces, private, and offices of the respondents. In all, 15 female sex workers and 30 male buyers participated in the study.

Our Findings

Many pathways lead women to enter the sex industry, but poverty is a primary factor. Within Croatian society, sex work is perceived in a negative light, but our findings showed women were more concerned with the stigma around being poor. The women interviewed said they engaged in sex work because they are without a job and have huge debts. Many women indicated a lack of other employment opportunities and the need to take care of children. They needed the money and had few alternative options. One woman specifically needed to buy drugs, and others had no place to stay after residential care or moving away from a violent partner. Although social inclusion is a cornerstone of religious beliefs, the stigma of poverty overshadowed the stigma of being a sex worker. These results conflicted with expectations of a Catholic country with conservative and patriarchal structures.

People close to an individual can also play a significant role in influencing one to enter the industry. In six of the fifteen cases, a close friend (5) or a partner (1) persuaded the women to engage in sex work. Two women found themselves within the organized sex industry after visiting a party or responding to a modelling ad. Only two women independently decided to start with sex work after having various sexual experiences.

On the opposing side of the relationship, there are two main reasons why buyers engage in sex work: compensation and hedonism. A little more than half said they felt it compensated for a void in their life. Some of the examples provided include being single, lacking success with intimate relationships, marital issues, or having no time or desire for emotional commitment. Many of these men see their interactions with sex workers as a sort of intimate relationship involving spending private time together. The remaining men in our study said their primary motivation was hedonistic in nature. They were enticed by a sense of fun, pleasure, satisfaction, fulfillment of sexual desires, excitement, or curiosity.

Sex workers are aware of and face many risks in their job. Sex workers can face aggression from clients and pimps, as well as a risk of sexually transmitted diseases and pregnancy. Thus, 80 percent of those we interviewed expressed concern about their personal safety. The majority of their fear is connected to physical and financial issues. The women shared a concern about violent clients that may not want to pay. In addition, they feared being poor, especially as they become older. The lower socio-economic status can exacerbate their vulnerability to other crimes and being exploited. However, they are aware that sex work is not a lifelong solution and eight respondents (53%) showed concern about lack of money, lack of perspective, and lack of solutions for their retirement age: ˝I am afraid because of everything: if someone recognises me, of violent clients, of other sex workers because relations are disastrous. Of getting old, sickness…˝ Other sources of their concern are disease, prison, fear that someone would recognise them, fear from other sex workers, and unwillingness to continue with sex work in certain situations.

It is significant to mention that all respondents (100%) said that they have some concern about their health. These worries are connected with having no health insurance, feeling shame in front of medical staff, having other physical diseases, and having mental health problems connected with lack of perspective, anxiety and hostility toward their job. From our respondents, ten sex workers have medical insurance, but five do not.

It is these fears and concerns that sex workers feel the legalization of sex work would help address. The majority of the women interviewed believe it would improve working conditions, social rights, access to health insurance, and protection. One such example would be by reframing their relationship with police and clients. Some of the women interviewed relayed stories of police chasing, verbally harassing, and arresting them. Clients also engage in degrading behavior, including insulting the women and calling them worthless. In addition, five sex workers stressed how legal measures could ensure fair and loyal competition on the market, balanced prices, and protection of domestic sex workers from foreigners. They also suggested additional measures, such as providing social rights and combating corruption.

Conclusion

These findings provide clearer insight into the Croatian sex industry and will allow policymakers to more accurately address these issues. It is vital that the voices of sex workers continue to be heard and that laws affecting them are crafted through a worker-informed lens. For the first time, these findings can help alter how Croatian society understands an industry that faces stigmatization and discrimination. In order to provide greater protection for the women involved, we must continue to paint a fuller picture of the entire industry.

*Iva Jovovic holds a MA in Social Work, and has extensive research experience in and knowledge of harm reduction programs and human rights for key populations affected by HIV. The Life Quality Improvement Organization FLIGHT is a member of the Project DESIrE Consortium. FLIGHT has been implementing harm reduction programs since 2003 by providing outreach services to both drug users and sex workers.

** The views and opinions expressed in this blog do not necessarily reflect the position of the HTC.

Edited by Leah Breevoort, Deputy Director

Photo Credit: Project DESIrE


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

Note: There is a print link embedded within this post, please visit this post to print it.


This post was originally published on this site

 

By Sibel Top, Guest Blogger*

Rob Wainright, former director of Europol, warned that “technology has lowered the bar of entry to the criminal world”. Traffickers are making the most out of available technologies to lure potential victims into trafficking. Those who are working every day to fight human trafficking seem to be lagging behind. Rather than waiting for traffickers one step ahead, they are attempting to catch up with the technology traffickers use. Individuals working in the field to fight human trafficking do not necessarily have the required expertise or human resources to chase traffickers online, nor the financial capacity to stop them. Imagine fighting an army of drones with a slingshot; it is an unequal battle. This leaves law enforcement and public authorities in a tough position. What can they do without the expertise, the necessary human resources or the financial means to get traffickers? A potential solution is to partner with a stakeholder that could provide access to automated and scalable technology, thereby requiring minimum human supervision and expertise.

Public and Private Partnerships

The first step of this endeavor would be for public authorities to partner with a stakeholder – private or public – who already has or can develop this kind of technological expertise.  Fortunately, there are possibilities to find funding at the international or supranational levels for such initiatives. The United Nations (UN), for example, launched the Blockchain for Humanity – Global Challenge project, which is now funding a joint project partnering Consensys, a Brooklyn-based software company, with the Moldovan government to create digital identities for undocumented children in Moldova.

The technology developed by Consensys and used by Moldovan authorities will secure a digital ID on Blockchain for undocumented children in Moldova who are particularly vulnerable to trafficking. Whenever a child with a digital ID is about to cross a border, their information will be stored on the Blockchain, enabling authorities to easily trace the victim. In order to prevent the child from being trafficked in the first place, developers envision linking the identity to a system of permissioned transaction, which sends a notification to child guardians who would need to give their approval for the border crossing. There are obvious problems already identifiable in this, such as when children are trafficked by family members, but it presents the advantage of creating an automated system that does not require a large amount of human capacity for operation and provides storage of information which enables law enforcement to trace traffickers.

Automation and Scalability

The second aspect of this potential solution is automation and scalability. If the authorities are provided with tools to enable automated research that can target traffickers or “follow the money” with minimum human supervision, they would not need enhanced human resources to fight trafficking on a larger scale. For example, Rebecca Portnoff and her team at Berkeley developed an automated and scalable tool for clustering sex advertisements by owners. Her system is comprised of two techniques. The first is a machine learning classifier using stylometry to identify whether sex advertisements have been written by the same or different authors. If the same author wrote and published many advertisements for different sex workers across different locations, this could indicate a trafficking ring operating behind the advertisement.

The second technique links bitcoin accounts to the advertisements they paid for. This technology has yet to be implemented at a large scale, but it presents undeniable advantages such as the automation of operations and their scalability. The idea is to link advertisements to specific Bitcoin transactions by using the available information on them in the mempool: the price and the time the transaction was made. This makes it possible to identify to what advertisement a transaction was linked because, on advertisement websites such as Backpage, the system does not wait for the network to confirm the transaction, it directly posts the advertisement instead. In comparing timestamps of the appearance of advertisements on websites with payments enables one to identify the transaction linked to each advertisement. For example, if several advertisements from different locations were paid for by the same Bitcoin wallet this could be a sign of trafficking activities.   

These two techniques developed by Portnoff can be used in conjunction or separately. Their undeniable advantage lies in their automation and scalability. In this regard, automated techniques, such as PhotoDNA, have already been used to identify online victims of child sexual abuse and it is only a matter of time before those fighting human trafficking are able to utilize these tools in their work.

Conclusion

These projects are currently either in stages of development or in the first phases of implementation, but their potential opens a way forward in the fight against human trafficking. They arm law enforcement and NGO workers with tools that are more than slingshots and could potentially enable them to overcome two problems at once: the lack of expertise and the lack of human resources. The expertise will definitely be provided by the technologies themselves, while their automation and scalability would remedy the need for human resources. It is likely that these tools would mostly deploy their full potential for purposes of identification and prove to be less effective when used for prevention. However, they pave the way on how human trafficking could be combated in the future throughout its various stages.

 

*Sibel Top is  a Ph.D. fellow at the Research Foundation, Flanders (FWO). She is part of the research group on Fundamental Rights and Constitutionalism (FRC) at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB), which is coordinating the DESIrE project on human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. This blogpost was based on a briefing paper prepared in the framework of the DESIrE project on the use of technology to combat human trafficking.

** The views and opinions expressed in this blog do not necessarily reflect the position of the HTC.

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Research and Projects

Photo Credit: Project DESIrE


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

Note: There is a print link embedded within this post, please visit this post to print it.


This post was originally published on this site

 

By Rosie O’Connor, Director of Educational Programming

Private immigration detention facilities in recent years have made up to 25% of their total profits, an estimated $30 to $77 million, from utilized detainee sanitation and work programs. For example, throughout November 2012, if GEO Group had hired outside janitors and maintenance employees at their Denver Contract Detention Facility, they would have spent over $125,000 in wages and benefits. Instead, they spent about $1,680 for those services by coercing or forcing detainees to work for wages of $1/day.

Private detention facilities are exploiting labor to reduce costs and increase profits at the expense of the rights of detainees. Furthermore, U.S. immigration policies and enforcement are integral to these systems of exploitation by virtually assuring the companies a steady influx of exploitable labor, via contract line items such as minimum occupancy rates at detention centers. The U.S. government is currently supporting a system wherein private prison companies gain from contract payment and a steady stream of detainable exploitable individuals.

What’s Happening?

Currently there are seven open lawsuits alleging  forced labor exploitation in immigration detention centers in Georgia, California, Washington, Colorado and Texas. All of these centers are managed by either GEO Group or CoreCivic (previously Corrections Corporations of American or CCA). While the foundation of each case varies, with some relying on the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) and others focusing on unjust enrichment or minimum wage violation, they all highlight institutionalized, oppressive exploitation. This exploitation is a result of multi-level intersectional policy by the U.S. government and private companies that propagate a capitalist agenda.

There are two primary legal defenses for these exploitative programs, the 13th Amendment and Alvarado Guevara v. I.N.S. The 13th Amendment states that forced labor can be used as punishment for a crime. However, the legal ‘forced servitude’ in the 13th Amendment applies only to those who have been ‘duly convicted’ of a crime, which does not apply to those in detention. In Guevara v. I.N.S, the argument challenged the compensation as a violation of the Fair Labor Standards Act. In this case the judge ruled that the detainees could not be considered employees because, as undocumented individuals, it was illegal for the US government to hire them.

The Programs

These companies have two primary programs mentioned in the lawsuits: sanitation unit programs and ‘voluntary’ work programs. The sanitation unit program is a system designed to uphold the seemingly innocuous requirement of keeping a clean sleeping area. However, based on testimony of detainees, the program is implemented through guards arbitrarily selecting detainees to clean the sleeping areas on a daily basis for no pay. The detainees report being threatened with solitary confinement if they do not comply. The ‘voluntary’ work programs allow detainees to work within the detention center doing maintenance and janitorial duties for a fixed wage of $1-$3 a day for anywhere from 2-8 hours a day. The work programs are technically voluntary, but individuals report feeling coerced or required to work in order to pay for basic necessities like toothpaste or sanitary napkins.

Policy and Enforcement

Recent policy shifts around immigration and detention have worked to benefit private companies and politicians, and have created the opportunity for the current exploitative system. In 2009, and again in 2015, Congress voted for a ‘detention bed quota’, requiring the U.S. Department of Health Services (DHS) to maintain at least 34,000 beds for detention. Given detention is one of the least cost effective monitoring methods for immigration court, Assistant Professor of Law Anita Sinha suggests that members of congress were motivated to support the policy because of  the financial gains and job opportunities this initiative created for their constituents. However, some of the strongest lobbyists for and greatest beneficiaries of this policy were the private prison companies who maintain over 65% of these beds. Furthermore, this coincided with a billion dollar increase to the U.S. border patrol program budget, and, consequently, the combination of these policy shifts and funding increases has resulted in an influx of individuals coming into private detention facilities.

Profit as Motivation

The capitalist motivations of this system are integral to its persistence. In focusing on the privatization of prisons there is a clear shift toward more traditional economic initiatives, like delivering the most financially efficient, low cost, high profit product, and private prison companies are succeeding in this endeavor. A December 2016 evaluation by the Homeland Security Council reports that private detention centers cost roughly $40 less per person per day to maintain than the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) maintained centers. However, the same report suggested there was a need for more oversight and involvement of ICE in the private detention centers. The recommendations suggest there is a lack of accountability of private contractors and a need for more formalized inspections of the private institutions.

Conclusions

While more inspections may ensure better adherence to the Performance-Based National Detention Standards, there is evidence to suggest that the system is dependent on this exploitation and thus the lack of oversight may be integral to its survival. Alonzo Peña, a previous Deputy Director of ICE, suspects a pattern of private companies hiring former immigration officials for suspect motives. In addition, Andrew Free, an attorney involved in one of the cases suggests that without the exploited labor of the detainees the companies would be operating at a loss. With the current dependence on private detention centers to hold the detained population, it seems unlikely that there will be any significant recourse to a failure to uphold standards. The current system has questionable accountability and a complicated interworking system of seemingly independent profit driven policies, individuals, and corporations that foster the continued exploitation, marginalization and oppression of the detained population.

*The views and opinions expressed in this blog do not necessarily reflect the position of the HTC.

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Research and Projects

Photo Credit: flickr


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

Note: There is a print link embedded within this post, please visit this post to print it.


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By Kara Gronborg, Guest Blogger*

President Obama stated in 2012, “Our fight against human trafficking is one of the great human rights causes of our time.” Legislators in each state have rallied and recognized the serious nature of human trafficking and have created laws advocating for and protecting victims. However, an important class is often forgotten: America’s youth. By properly knowing how to identify victims, social workers can help keep many children safe from human trafficking.

United States Human Trafficking Laws

The federal human trafficking law, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) states sex trafficking is, “a commercial sex act [that] is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such act has not attained 18 years of age.” While the federal law protects victims under the age of 18, individual states are not required to follow federal law, leaving many states with criminal codes that do not recognize children as sex trafficking victims.

Currently, 15 out of 50 states have created laws protecting children from being prosecuted for teenage prostitution. However, the legal age of consent in every state differs between the ages of 16-18. Therefore, many children forced into prostitution cannot legally consent, but are still charged with sex crimes. This gap between state legislation comes at the cost of children who are being wrongfully prosecuted.

The Welfare System and Child Sex Trafficking

Child victims of human trafficking are often troubled youth that have gone through the foster care system, have high rates of poverty, or have been through the juvenile detention system. Often these children have been seen by multiple social service agencies in the past. However, social workers are not actively looking for the signs of human trafficking.  These children are unlikely to identify themselves as victims to law enforcement or social services because they likely see their exploitation as a means of surviving without the support of family or surrounding community. These children may also feel that the current social system has not adequately supported and identified them, which promotes a lack of trust in social services or law enforcement.

60 percent of child sex trafficking victims rescued during 2013 across 72 cities were previously a part of group homes or in foster care. 50 percent of homeless youth in Salt Lake City reported having been solicited for sex by an adult. Many of these at-risk individuals go unidentified before and after becoming victims of human trafficking. This problem represents the lacking abilities and training current social service workers have in identifying at-risk individuals and victims, and is a problem that also rings true for law enforcement.

When law enforcement first encounter children involved in sex trafficking, the official should identify the potential victims and refer them to social services for support. However, law enforcement, lacking training and options, often leave children involved in sex trafficking to go unidentified. Many children are charged with prostitution and put into juvenile detention centers or jail with little to no protections that they should be guaranteed under the TVPA.

Children Face Prostitution Charges in Courts

While significant strides have been made in identifying and prosecuting child human trafficking, many areas are still lacking. The TVPA exists to protect child victims, however, these protections are not often granted in juvenile courts where the notion of teenage prostitution persists. Juvenile prostitution falls under the jurisdiction of juvenile courts in most states, therefore many children are prosecuted for prostitution instead of being recognized as victims. These children are then put into juvenile detention centers or jails; furthering their distrust of law enforcement and social services.

Social Services Can Do Better

Individual states should be acknowledged for recognizing human trafficking as a crime. However, there are other equally important aspects that need attention. Child victims of sex trafficking, are already vulnerable and have been subject to countless abuses. Social workers have a unique advantage in identifying and supporting at-risk children and victims as they are present in many parts of these children’s lives. While every trafficked person is different, there are certain warning signs that are common among victims that social workers need to look out for. With proper training and legal avenues, social service workers and law enforcement can work together to save children before they become victims of trafficking, and better assist children who have already been victimized.

In most states, social service workers are not trained to identify victims or the support avenues available for victims. Legislation is starting to address the criminalization of youth in sex trafficking through safe harbor and victim centered laws, however, extra support through social services is also desperately needed to ensure children are given the help and support they deserve. This can be achieved through better equipping social service workers with the necessary skills and training to better identify warning signs of at-risk-children and victims of human trafficking.

*Kara Gronborg is a graduate student at the University of Pittsburgh School of Public and International Affairs pursuing a Masters of Public and International Affairs with a focus on Security and Intelligence Studies. This blog is Part 5 in a series of guest blogs written by graduate students from the University of Pittsburgh advised by Assistant Professor Dr. Luke Condra. The views and opinions expressed in this blog do not necessarily reflect the position of the HTC.

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Communications and Social Media

Photo Credit: FreeImages.com


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

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This post was originally published on this site

 

By Andrea Paolini, Guest Blogger*

We tell stories to help locate and make sense of our worlds. Because the human narrative can be as liberating as it is trapping, how we tell these stories matters as much as why we tell them.

Be a Good Guest

I enter the conversation as a doctoral student in composition and rhetoric studies. My research explores the intersections between writing and human rights. When seeking admission to a new discourse community, one needs to be prepared. To determine what a good guest brings, I begin by familiarizing myself with the Human Trafficking Center’s website and blog. I learn that the post with the highest Facebook reach is Her Body is Not for Sale, but Her Necklace Is, by research assistant Annalise Yahne. I read the post. Like many readers, I take offense. The author’s sweeping generalizations regarding the narrative framing practices of a single social enterprise organization is problematic. As its rhetorical device the post relies on making provocative claims—what it needed was a robust argument supported by evidence. How we tell stories matters as much as why we tell them.

Fortunately, the subsequent cross-talk between the author and readers on the blog’s discussion board offers an important opportunity to connect the how and why. How we frame the stories we tell can have real and serious consequences on the lives of victims, survivors, and their supporters. Sarah Lance, founder and managing director of Sari Bari, offered a powerful rebuttal in defense of her organization and its work with trafficked and exploited women.

Tell a Good Story

The stories we tell can captivate an audience’s attention and move them to action. But they can also cause harm and perpetuate misunderstanding. I chose to enter the conversation by revisiting this post from a year ago, because issues of representation, voice, and agency remain hugely relevant. Dr. Annjanette Alejano-Steele, co-founder and board member of the Laboratory to Combat Human Trafficking, offers a poignant reminder of this. In a recent blog post, Not My Story to Tell: How to Rethink the Ways We Support Survivors, she reflects upon a panel invitation to “share a real life story of human trafficking,” as a way of contextualizing and raising awareness to a public audience.

But Whose Story Is It?

The stories we tell in support of victim and survivor rights can both champion and sabotage their agency. We need to protect their stories and recognize how speaking for them has the potential to further exploit. And so, more than a style guide, we need a code of ethical conduct by which to guide our writing, our work, and our shared goals. Within this, let’s define and prioritize good storytelling practices. What methodologies can ensure that we respectfully represent the victim and survivor points of view? How can we create a space in which they may tell their own? Because isn’t this what makes the best story? And when this is not possible, how do we remain good guests in a story that is not ours?

Towards Shared Goals

Something that I do think Yahne and critics share, is a desire to support survivors through rehabilitative means. The field of rehabilitation needs further activist research and recommendations by academics and practitioners. It also requires greater material supports and services. Social enterprise organizations like Sari Bari and Thistle Farms have an important role to play by extending economic opportunities that are necessary to rebuild lives and restore agency.

Agency in Storytelling

The concept of agency is critical to how I approach the issue and study of human trafficking. Is there a place for writing as part of the rehabilitative process for victims and survivors? Can human rights storytelling, specifically the act of writing, offer them a tool for processing and making sense of their worlds? Can it help them to document and disseminate their own stories—as part of public awareness campaigns, and in support of legal proceedings? Am I being too optimistic (or simply naïve) in chasing these interdisciplinary goals? Let’s begin a dialogue and share examples of how this might be possible. And to organizations like Sari Bari and Thistle Farms, would you be open to incorporating a writing project as part of your rehabilitative services? Please leave a comment.


*Andrea Paolini is a PhD student at the University of Pittsburgh. This blog is Part 4 in a series of guest blogs written by graduate students from the University of Pittsburgh advised by Dr. Luke Condra.

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Communications and Social Media

Photo Credit: Andrea Paolini


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

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By Cecily Bacon, Director of Research and Projects and Leah Breevoort, Deputy Director

The greatly anticipated 2018 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report was released by the U.S. Department of State (DOS) at the end of June. As mandated by the U.S. Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000, the TIP Report is an annual publication of the DOS ranking country-level anti-trafficking efforts. In order to analyze and rank countries, the State Department examines their efforts through the “3 P’s”: Prosecution, Protection, and Prevention. The report includes narratives for 187 countries, and ranks them on a scale of Tier 1, Tier 2, Tier 2 Watch List, Tier 3 and Special Case, with Tier 1 being the highest ranking and Tier 3 being the lowest ranking.* This reporting period, which covered from April 1, 2017 through March 2018, revealed 29 countries that improved their standings and 20 countries that digressed to a lower ranking.

The focus of this year’s report was on how local communities can effectively address human trafficking, as well as how governments can support and empower those actions. However it was the report’s substantial analysis on the long-term emotional and mental health effects of separating children from their parents and/or detaining them, as well as how this increases their vulnerability to trafficking, that received the most attention. The findings come at a particularly poignant time, as the U.S government responds to a policy that separated thousands of children from their parents as the families illegally crossed the U.S–Mexico border.

Here are some of the country rankings to note from the 2018 TIP Report:

Bahrain Upgraded to Tier 1

Bahrain, upgraded from Tier 2 to Tier 1, is the first country in the region to receive a Tier 1 ranking and be acknowledged as fully compliant with the minimum standards of the TVPA. While this news came as a surprise to some, it was widely congratulated by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) as an example of effective labor market reform. Over the last three years, the Government of Bahrain and IOM have been working together on improving protections for victims of human trafficking. While these improvements included the establishment of an assistance fund and the development of a National Referral Mechanism, it is reforms to the labor markets which received substantial recognition. Through the Flexible Work Permit, migrant workers are able to sponsor themselves in Bahrain for a two-year period. The enactment of this permit was designed to grant workers more autonomy, and combat the kafala system, which had increased the vulnerability of migrant workers to forced labor by tethering them to their employers.

Japan Upgraded to Tier 1

For the first time in 17 years Japan was upgraded from Tier 2 to Tier 1. Ever since Japan was first ranked in the 2001 TIP Report as a Tier 2 country, they continued to fall short of the minimum standards for being considered compliant with the TVPA. For the first three years, Japan received a Tier 2 ranking, until 2004 when the Tier 2 Watch List designation was created. Japan became the only developed country to receive this ranking. Japan’s upgraded ranking this year is heavily tied to the country’s creation of an interagency task force designed to combat enjo kōsai, also known as compensated dating, and joshi kōsei, which is a dating service that connects adult men with female high school students. However, despite this progress, the 2018 report also acknowledged concerns that the Japanese government is not taking sufficient measures to convict traffickers, as they continue to receive insufficient or suspended sentences.

Ireland Downgraded to Tier 2

In response to continued concerns of government failure to protect victims of human trafficking and forced labor, Ireland was downgraded from Tier 1 to Tier 2. This ranking was praised by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) and the Joint Oireachtas Committee, both of whom had previously released reports on the problematic practices of the Irish fishing industry. Migrant workers remain vulnerable to forced labor within the Irish fishing industry as a result of government immigration actions that allow employers to sponsor workers, and the limited registration of these workers. TIP Report findings also highlighted government prosecution of migrant workers for the cultivation of cannabis, which ignored indications that the workers were victims of human trafficking. The Irish high court and the Council of Europe raised additional concerns regarding anti-trafficking efforts in Ireland, specifically that the current services in place to support victims are inadequate.

Thailand Upgraded to Tier 2

After two consecutive years on the Tier 2 Watch List, Thailand upgraded to a Tier 2 ranking. Over the last few years, the Thai fishing industry has faced harsh criticism following investigations into human trafficking and forced labor on fishing vessels and in processing facilities, news which contributed to Thailand receiving a Tier 2 ranking in both 2014 and 2015. However, this year’s TIP Report acknowledged improvements within the Thai government through its increased efforts at prosecution of offenders and victim protection. Furthermore, the report also addresses the increase in prevention of human trafficking through increased funding for anti-trafficking initiatives and migrant labor management.

Despite the increase in anti-trafficking efforts by the Thai government, the report recognizes that concerns of corruption within the government are preventing further improvement. Additional critiques of Thailand’s improved ranking have come from the International Labor Rights Forum (ILRF), which states that the government continues to bring cases against those who reveal situations of human trafficking and labor abuse. The ILRF also criticizes Thailand’s upgrade in pointing to the defamation cases that are often brought against victims of forced labor by their previous employers as a result of victims speaking out about their experiences.

United States Maintained Tier 1

Once again the United States received a Tier 1 ranking. However, within the U.S. some critics have questioned the credibility of the TIP Report this year given that the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons is still without a permanent ambassador. Furthermore, while the country narrative for the U.S. discusses the TVPA, it failed to acknowledge that while the TVPA is the backbone of the U.S. federal anti-trafficking response, the law has lapsed and is pending renewal in Congress. Additional critiques of the U.S. country narrative have arisen regarding the emphasis within this year’s TIP Report on the detrimental impact of separating children from their families and placing them in private or government-run institutions. While the report argues that the physical and psychological effects of separating children and placing them in these institutions increases their vulnerability to human trafficking, the report fails to address the detention facilities currently present along the southern border of the U.S., facilities where more than 2,300 children have been separated from their parents since April.

*For more information on the tier ranking of the TIP Report or the methodology used by the report, please refer to the 2018 TIP Report methodology section.

Photo Credit: Flickr


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

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This post was originally published on this site

 

By Pri Srinivasa, Guest Blogger*

Every year, 12 million girls are married globally under the age of 18. That is 28 girls every minute, one every two seconds. Child marriage is often stereotyped as a phenomenon of the underdeveloped world. The harsh reality, however, is that between 2000 to 2015 more than 207, 468 minors were married in the United States, 90% of whom were girls. Even these appalling figures are a gross underestimate of the child marriage crisis in America. This is no coincidence as 24 out of 50 states have no minimum age for marriage laws. On May 3, 2018 Delaware became the first state in the nation to abolish all forms of child marriage with no exceptions including that of parental consent. Will other states follow this groundbreaking legislation?

Child Marriage, defined as a matrimonial union occurring under the age of 18, is modern-day slavery. As a form of forced marriage, child marriage is an institution or practice in which individuals, mainly girls, do not have the ability to refuse matrimony. Known as servile marriage, forced early marriage revokes consent of the child and limits ability to terminate marriage, enforces ‘ownership’ post-matrimony by the groom, and exploits the girl bride for domestic labor and sex.

In order to end child marriage in America, the legal age of marriage must be set to 18, the legal age of matrimony according to international law, and parental consent must be abolished along with all conceived ‘exceptions’ in all 50 states.

Child Marriage as American as Apple Pie

Child marriage is interwoven into the fabric of American identity politics, and it continues to persist despite efforts to end it. While advocates continuously lobby for states to raise the marital age above adolescence, parental consent in every American state enables early marriage. Since January 2, 2018, 5 out of 10 state bills introduced in State Assemblies (Vermont, Tennessee, Maryland, New Jersey, and Arizona) called for the abolition of child marriage with no exceptions, but only the one in New Jersey has passed. This is typically due to strong pushback from Christian conservative groups. In Florida, for example, the Senate unanimously passed State Bill 140 on January 31, abolishing all marriage until the age of 18. However, this was amended on February 15, 2018 for 16 and 17 year-olds with parental consent and the involvement of pregnancy. Similarly, last year Governor Chris Christie vetoed an abolition bill with no exceptions because it did “not comport with the sensibilities and, in some cases, the religious customs, of the people of this State”.

It is important to note that states with the highest prevalence of child marriage, such as West Virginia, Texas, and Alabama, are home to religiously conservative communities who perceive marriage as a moralistic institution that “secures the girl into a happy and financially secure household”. Early marriage is viewed as preemptive to premarital sex, teenage pregnancy, and statutory rape. Furthermore, the consequences of soaring poverty rates limits girls’ opportunities for alternatives outside of marriage.

Parents as Human Traffickers and Murky Waters

In every state, an exception is made to child marriage when parental consent is present. This consent is murky, does not always take the child’s well-being into consideration, and in some cases protects statutory rapists. Heather Strawn was 14-years-old when she became pregnant with 24-year-old Aaron Seaton’s child after a sexual encounter involving heavy drinking, in which Heather did not remember the events that had followed. Her father, Keith Strawn, saw abortion as out of the question and rationalized the marriage as Bible-advised while protecting Aaron from statutory rape. Heather had feelings for Aaron because of the baby and agreed to the marriage. After Heather’s fifteenth birthday Keith took his daughter and Aaron to be married in Missouri, a 19-hour drive from their rural Idaho home.

Heather’s story is by no means an isolated case as it is reported in Missouri alone more than 1,000 15-year-olds between 1999 to 2015 have married statutory rapists with parental consent. The parent or guardian’s intention may be to “legitimize an unborn child through marriage” or to save face. However, regardless of parental consent, a child is still a child and the marriage of a child is human trafficking.

Abolish Parental Consent

Children do not possess the same agency that adults have to resist pressures of marriage. Furthermore, child marriage can lead to health risks such as complications from adolescent pregnancy because the teenage body is not fully equipped for delivery, as well as a higher prevalence in psychological issues such as clinical depression. By dropping out of school, minors limit opportunities for well-paying employment and often rely on government assistance.

The abolition of parental consent along with child marriage eliminates possible loopholes that allow for its proliferation. Laws are vital as they can safeguard minors from early marriage and hold families and communities accountable, especially if coupled with community education programs and child-bride rehabilitation. This has the ability to prevent further examples of Keith Strawns, and situations in which parents may feel the need to make life-altering decisions for daughters.

 

*Pri Srinivasa is a graduate student at the University of Pittsburgh School of Public and International Affairs. This blog is Part 3 in a series of guest blogs written by graduate students from the University of Pittsburgh advised by Dr. Luke Condra.

**The views and opinions expressed in this blog do not necessarily reflect the position of the HTC

Edited by Cecily Bacon, Director of Communications and Social Media

Photo Credit: pixabay.com


About the Human Trafficking Center

The Human Trafficking Center, housed in the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of International Studies, is the only two-year, graduate-level, professional-training degree in human trafficking in the United States. One way graduate students contribute to the study of human trafficking is by publishing research-based blogs. The HTC was founded in 2002 to apply sound research and reliable methodology to the field of human trafficking research and advocacy.

Founded in 1964, the Josef Korbel School of International Studies is one of the world’s leading schools for the study of international relations. The School offers degree programs in international affairs and is named in honor of its founder and first dean, Josef Korbel.

 

Note: There is a print link embedded within this post, please visit this post to print it.